Tuesday, November 28, 2006

Influence of Muslim Philosophy on the West


Cultural relations between the Muslims and Christian Europe were established in two ways: first via Spain and second by way of Sicily and the Kingdom of Naples. The translation of Arabic works into Latin was closely associated with the name of the theologian Raymond who was the Archbishop of Toledo from 1130 to 1150 AD. In Toledo, the Muslims lived side by side with the Christians. They lived in the capital and the seat of the Archbishop spurred their neighbours into taking an interest in the intellectual life of the Muslims. In Toledo, Raymond established a translation bureau the purpose of which was to render Arabic masterpieces into Latin. Among works translated were Arabic versions of Aristotle’s works as well as original works by Farabi, Ibn Sina (Avicenna) and Ibn Rushd (Averroes). These translations were made under the supervision of Gundiaslivus (d: 1151) followed by Gerard of Cremona (d: 1187).
The result of translating Arabic works into Latin was a new intellectual effort on the part of both supporters and opponents. Thus the point of view of Western thinkers was broadened and Islamic thought acquired a new importance with them.
It is an accepted fact now among Western thinkers that Farabi exercised a great influence on the philosophy of the Middle Ages; his book Isha’ al-‘Ulum was translated into Latin and was established in Christian schools, just as it had been in Islamic schools, as an indispensable reference. Many thinkers made use of this work, such as Roger Bacon (1214-1280 AD), Jerome of Moravia (the first half of the 13th century), Raymond Lull (1235-1315 AD) and many others.
In an interesting research work on the influence of the Arabs on music, Farmer showed that this book was of great value to research workers on the theory of music from among Europeans. He explained that the value of this book lies in the fact that it has drawn the attention of Western thinkers to Arabic science. Farmer came to the conclusion that Farabi’s book led research workers, who flocked from all parts of the world, to Islamic Spain to quaff from the spring of Arabic works on music, by men like Kindi, Farabi, Ibn Sina and Ibn Rushd. In his book on Spinoza, Dunnin Borkoswki has shown that Farabi exercised great influence in the Middle Ages on Hebrew thinkers who translated his works into Hebrew. It seems that this influence travelled through some Jewish theologians such as Maimonides and Ben Gerson and came down to modern times until it reached Spinoza. In fact anyone who reads Spinoza’s De Emendatione Intellectus would be struck by the great similarity between this book and Farabi’s book What Should Precede the Study of Philosophy. The succession of ideas in the two books is the same and the motive behind philosophizing in both is the same. Even the final aim of the two books is the same, namely, the knowledge of God ‘in order to follow His example as much as lies in the human capacity’, as Farabi puts it.
It is not surprising that Spinoza should find in the doctrines of Islamic philosophers, mentioned by his masters, what he missed in thinkers of the Jewish creed such as Ben Gerson, Crescas and Ben Ezra.
Scarcely did one century elapse after the first translations of Arabic works when the European thinkers decided to choose the philosophy of Ibn Sina as representative of Islamic Philosophy. Gundislivus translated ‘al-Shifa’ (The Book of Cure) into Latin while Gerard of Cremona translated al-Qanun which became a text-book for Medicine in all European Colleges from the 13th to the 17th century. It was due to this book that Ibn Sina achieved fame in the West, so much so that Dante put him on a level between Hyppocrates and Galenus, while Scalinger went as far as to placing him in the same category as Galenus in medicine, but on an even higher level in philosophy.
In a series of valuable research works, Professor Gilson has explained the extent of Ibn Sina’s influence on European thought in the Christian Middle Ages. He has also shown the close relation between this Muslim philosopher and the theologians of the school of Augustinus, asserting that western philosophy in the 13th century was no more than diverse attitudes towards Aristotle on the one hand and Ibn Sina and Ibn Rushd on the other. The followers of Augustinus took from these new ideas a certain set to complete their doctrine (with a few interpretations), at the same time discarding other sets. They took from Ibn Sina, for instance, the illumination of the ‘active intellect’, yet they apply to God the same meanings as he gives to the intellect of the moon’s sphere. Gilson proposed that this trend of thought in Europe should be given the name of ‘L’Augustinisme Avicennisant’ (Avicennian Augustinism). After Gilson other Western scholars extended their study of this important subject and dealt with scholastic thinkers who were not Augustinians. In 1934 Pere de Vaux published his research on ‘L’Avincennisme Latin’ in the 12th and 13th centuries. In that research he showed that Christian theologians with a tendency to Avicennism quaffed at the springs of Islamic philosophy, using it as a source of their inspiration. Besides these, however, there were other thinkers who followed the doctrines of Ibn Sina even where it diverged from Christian beliefs. Those were called by Pere de Vaux ‘Latin Aviceninans’.
The first Christian thinkers to be influenced by Ibn Sina was Gundisalivus, the head of the Translation Bureau in Spain. He wrote his book: The Soul in which he started with Ibn Sina and ended with Augustinus. He adopted Ibn Sina’s proofs of the existence of the soul, indicating that it was a substance and not an accident, immortal and spiritual. He also adopted from Ibn Sina his famous symbol known as ‘the man suspended in space’ with no relation with the outside world, and yet his mind revealing to him that he is a thinking being which exists. That symbol was mentioned by many authors of the Christian Middle Ages, and so it is possible that Descartes (17th century) received it from them and expressed it in his Meditations in the formula cagito ergo sum.
An evidence of Ibn Sina’s influence on Christian Middle Ages can perhaps be revealed in the strong attack launched by Guillaume d’Auvergne (died 1249) against Aristotle and his ‘disciples’ (Farabi, Ibn Sina and Ghazzali). This theologian mentioned Ibn Sina about forty times in his books sometimes opposing his ideas, other times citing his definitions and examples. He adopts Ibn Sina’s definition of truth as ‘what corresponds in the mind to what is outside it’. He also adopts Ibn Sina’s distinction between ‘essence’ and ‘existence’, as well as his inference that the soul can be conscious of itself without resorting to the body. This is the proof mentioned in ‘al-Shifa’ and ‘al-Isharat’ and has just been mentioned as the ‘symbol of the suspended man’.
Roger Bacon was a true representative of what Gilson called the Avicennian Augustinism. He saw in Ibn Sina the greatest leader of Arabic thought and a philosopher next only to Aristotle. Bacon admired Ibn Sina’s forceful proof of the immortality of the soul, and of happiness in the other world, of reincarnation, of creation and of the existence of angels.
There is not doubt, then, that Ibn Sina enriched philosophy and science to an extent which made him one of the glories of human thought.
When we move on to Ibn Rushd, we find that his commentary on Aristotle’s philosophy won for him great admiration in Europe, to the extent that Dante called him ‘The Great Commentator.’ It is a well-known fact that the people at the school of Padova in Italy were followers of the doctrine of Ibn Rushd, and that Siger de Braban was the leader of the school of Ibn Rushd in France during the 13th century. The doctrine ascribed to Ibn Rushd continued to be studied in Europe, both in books and universities from the middle of the 13th century to the early part of the 17th century.
Scholars of Spinoza’s philosophy will find that the attitude of this Jewish philosopher towards matters of philosophy, religion, divine inspiration and prophecy similar to that of Farabi and Ibn Rushd before him. Perhaps Spinoza learnt something of Muslim theories through Maimonides and especially those of Ibn Rushd through the Jewish physician Joseph del Medigo, one of the followers of the school of Ibn Rushd in the 17th century.
Lastly we must refer to the debt which Jewish philosophy owes to Arabic philosophy. Suffice it to say that Aristotle’s works were not translated into Hebrew, but Jewish philosophers were content with what the Muslims wrote as summaries and commentaries. It was discovered by western scholars that Jewish theologians followed in the steps of Muslim philosophers, and that thinkers before Maimonides owed their methods and ideas in religion to them. They also discovered that The Guide for the Bewildered by Maimonides, although full of criticism of the opinions of Muslim philosophers, shows beyond any doubt the importance of Muslim philosophy, and its influence on Jewish thought.
We do not, however, want anyone to think that we are trying to boast unjustifiably of the achievements of the Muslims; in actual fact what we have briefly given here is derived from what western scholars themselves have written, both in the Middle Ages and in our own time. According to their testimony, western culture has greatly profited by the material contributed by the thinkers of Islam.
When the time comes for the doctrines of Islamic philosophers to be studied as they should, and when their unpublished heritage comes to light, we shall then be able to truly show the right place of Muslim philosophy in the intellectual heritage of humanity.
The philosophers of Islam we have mentioned above are close to us; indeed they still live in us. We shall not get rid of our history however much we may recant it, just as man cannot get rid of his past life, however much he may try to forget it.

Bibliography
1. O’Leary, Arabic Thought, etc., London 1939.
2. Sarton, Introduction to the History of Science.
3. Dunnin Brokovsky, Der Junge Spinoza, 1910.

epistemologi islam


Epistemologi Islam



Pembahasan ilmu pengetahuan dalam Islam dapat ditinjau dari dua sisi: ontologi dan epistemologi. Walaupun pembahasan tersebut dalam literatur Islam tidak tersusun secara rapi dan tersendiri, kita dapat menemukan pembahasan tersebut dalam beberapa kajian filsafat seperti pembahasan yang berkaitan dengan non meterialnya ilmu, tingkatan-tingkatan ilmu, terbaginya ilmu ke dalam beberapa bagian, dll.

Secara ontologis, kita bisa membahas ilmu dari keberadaanya, apakah ia materi ataukah bukan. Kita sama sekali tidak membahas tentang gambaran atau comprehensif ilmu.

Adapun dari sisi epistemologi, kita bisa membahas ilmu dari sisi representifnya setelah kita membuktikan secara ontologis tentang keberadaan ilmu tersebut. Jadi, bisa dikatakan bahwa kajian epistemologi ini sebenarnya adalah pembahasan derajat kedua. Meskipun demikian, secara subtansial pembahasan epistemologi ini sangat berbeda dengan pembahasan pertama tadi.

Dalam kajian kedua ini kita dapat meninjau bagian-bagian ilmu seperti pembagian ilmu kepada representatif dan judgement (justifikasi); ataupun pembagian lainnya kepada empirical knowledge dan intuitif knowledge (ilmu husuli dan hudhuri); atau pada aksioma dan discursiv dan pembahasan tentang secondary intelligible (ma'kul stani).

Banyak filosof Islam mencurahkan segala kemampuan mereka untuk mengkaji pembahasan seputar epistemologi ini. Salah satu pembahasan yang menjadikan pertentangan di antara filosof muslim adalah berkaitan dengan tolok ukur benar dan salah. Para filosof Islam berpendapat bahwa antara alam understanding (dzihni) dan alam external (khariji) memiliki hubungan yang erat. Gambaran yang dimiliki oleh ilmu –alam understanding (zihn)- tidak sekedar gambaran yang tidak memiliki kenyataan. Apa saja dari gambaran yang ia tampung itu memiliki kenyataan (realitas).Akan tetapi, para filosof yang lainnya memiliki pendapat berbeda. Bagi mereka, hubungan antara alam understanding dan external bukanlah hubungan gambar dengan objeknya. Untuk memudahkan kita memahami pendapat ini ada satu pendekatan yang sangat mudah untuk kita cerna bersama. Ketika kita menggambar kuda di atas kanvas, apa yang ada di atas kanvas tersebut ingin memberikan pesan kepada kita bahwa gambar tersebut memiliki objek dan ia adalah kuda yang ada di alam realitas: bernafas, makan, minum, berjalan, dll.

Ini salah satu dari bahasan yang terdapat dalam filsafat Islam tentang ilmu. Oleh karna itu, alangkah baiknya kalau kita gambarkan beberapa masalah secara universal tentang ilmu baik dari sisi ontologis ataupun epistemilogis, walaupun pada akhirnya, kajian ini hanya difokuskan pada bahasan kedua (epistemologi)

Sumber-Sumber Ilmu

Ilmu manusia tersusun dari hal-hal yang sederhana. Contohnya, kalau kita hendak mengetahui manusia, maka kita terlebih dahulu harus mengetahui definisi manusia sehingga kita dapat membedakan antara manusia dari yang lainnya. Pengetahuan kita tentang manusia tersusun dari beberapa hal-hal yang simple yaitu bahwa manusia itu berpikir, berbadan, dan perasa. Akan tetapi, yang menjadi objek kajian para filosof Islam ialah: dari manakah manusia mendapatkan ilmu-ilmu simple tersebut? Dengan metode atau perangkat apakah manusia mendapatkan ilmu-ilmu simple tersebut? Dari sinilah munculnya perbedaan antara filosof-filosof dari zaman Yunani sampai sekarang: antara Plato dan Aristoteles, antara Avessina dan Syuhrawardi, antara kaum paripatetik dan intuitivis, serta antara rasionalis dan empiris.

Batasan Ilmu

Sebelum kita memasuki bagian kedua dalam rangkaian pembahasan tentang ilmu, alangkah baiknya kalau kita awali bahasan ini pada kepercayaan dan penerimaan tentang realitas alam karena ini adalah sebuah pijakan mendasar dalam segala macam pembahasan yang ada di alam jagad raya ini khususnya dalam kajian ini.Tidaklah mungkin bagi kita untuk memulai segala macam aktivitas, baik aktivitas berfikir ataupun hal-hal yang bersifat praktis, tanpa berlandaskan atau berpijak pada kenyataan realitas alam, bahwa di alam ini, ada sesuatu yang membuat kita terobsesi untuk mengetahui ataupun mendapatkannya. Kajian seperti ini murni ontologis karena pembahasan tentang keberadaan bukanlah representasi dari sesuatu itu.

Kita akan kembali sejenak melihat masa lalu perjalanan pemikiran manusia di alam ini. Pada zaman dulu, Yunani adalah pusat peradaban manusia. Dari situlah bermulanya tradisi berpikir. Muncul beberapa aliran yang menyatakan bahwa manusia tidak mungkin akan berhasil mendapatkan kebenaran, atau bahwa manusia adalah tolok ukur benar dan salah. Semua bergantung persepsi manusia terhadap sesuatu. Jika sesuatu itu menurut A benar, belum tentu bagi B juga benar.

Sampai pada akhirnya, muncullah Socrates yang membawa obor kebenaran berkaitan dengan tradisi berpikir ini (walaupun pada akhirnya harus meminum racun sebagai akibat dari "ulah"nya). Usaha keilmuannya itu kemudian diteruskan oleh Plato dan dikembangkan oleh Aristoteles sehingga tersusunlah logika aristotelian. Kemudian, bergantilah zaman. Muncullah generasi muda yang menganut paham ragu. Mereka meragukan segala yang pernah dirintis oleh generasi sebelum mereka. Mereka skeptis.

Paham skeptisisme ini, pertama kali dicetuskan oleh Protagoras (485-410 SM) Dia berpendapat bahwa persepsi manusia adalah tolok ukur benar dan salah. Kemudian, paham ini dikembangkan secara ekstrim oleh Georgias(483-375 SM) yang berpendapat bahwa hakikat itu tidak ada. Kalaupun ada, tidak mungkin bagi manusia untuk mengetahuinya. Kalaupun bisa untuk diketahui, hakikat itu tidak dapat ditransfer kepada yang lainnya (tak dapat dipahamkan kepada yang lainnya.)

Jika kita amati secara seksama, kita dapat memberikan beberapa asumsi dari pernyataan-pernyatan mereka itu. Pertama, mereka melontarkan pernyataan-pernyataan tersebut demi kepentingan politik pada zamannya. Kedua, mereka ingin meletakkan manusia pada derajat terendah (artinya. Ini adalah satu penghinaan terhadap manusia). Ketiga, mereka hanya sekadar “bermain-main” dengan bahasa. Dengan demikian segala macam tolok ukur etika, agama, politik, dan kebenaran akan rubuh. Akibatnya, segala macam bentuk pelanggaran-pelanggaran etika, agama, dan politik dapat dibenarkan dengan justifikasi-justifikasi mereka. Pada akhirnya, tidak akan tersisa tempat bagi kebenaran absolut. Statement dalam paham skeptisme --atau diistilahkan dengan sophistika-- yaitu “tidak ada pengetahuan absolut yang dapat diyakini oleh manusia” dapat kita teliti secara seksama, sebagaimana akan kami uraikan berikut ini.


Kritik Terhadap Paham Sophistika

Ada beberapa premis yang harus kita pahami sebelum kita mengkitik paham ini, yaitu sebagai berikut.

  1. Dengan melihat kembali sejarah munculnya paham ini, kita dapat memahami apa yang diinginkan oleh penganut paham ini dan latar belakang apakah yang menjadikan mereka berpaham demikian. Kemampuan beretorika di dalam pengadilan yang dapat “mengubah” dan memenangkan kesalahan. Tentu, ini semua mereka dapatkan dengan membuat beberapa pengelabuan dan pembohongan terhadap manusia awam ataupun orang-orang yang berkepentingan politik di zamannya. Salah satu cara yang mereka gunakan untuk mengelabui orang awam adalah dengan bahasa yang diputarbalikkan. Contohnya, pernyataan seperti: Aghre mencintai isterinya, begitu pula Agreei. Dalam kalimat ini dapat kita temukan dengan jelas penyamaran bahasa karena kalimat tersebut bisa menimbulkan pemahaman beragam. Pemahaman yang mungkin muncul adalah: 1) Aghre mencintai isterinya begitu pula Agreei mencintai isteri Aghre. 2) Aghre mencintai istrinya dan Agreei mencintai isterinya sendiri. 3) Aghre mencintai Agreei. Dengan menciptakan pemahaman yang beragam dari statement tersebut, mereka dapat menyatakan bahwa tidak kebenaran absolut bagi manusia. Alasannya, manusia untuk dapat memahami pikiran orang lainnya menggunakan alat berupa huruf-huruf yang tersusun menjadi kata-kata, dan kata-kata tersebut tersusun menjadi bahasa. Sementara itu, bahasa dapat dipahami secara beragam dan bergantung terhadap asumsi masing-masing individu. Akibatnya, kebenaran pun mengalami hal yang sama.

Jika kita memfokuskan kritikan pada masalah bahasa maka dapat kita sodorkan beberapa kritik, yaitu sebagai berikut.

a. Di dalam bahasa juga terdapat beberapa aturan yang harus dijaga oleh penggunanya. Bila aturan ini tidak dijaga, akan terjadi kesalahpahaman audien.

b. Realitas yang ada di hadapan kita tak dapat diubah dengan hanya menggunakan bahasa. Contohnya, bila kita memiliki pengetahuan bahwa api itu panas dan membakar maka siapapun tak akan dapat mengubahnya dengan bahasa sehingga kita dapat meyakini bahwa api itu dingin dan tak membakar.

Ada sebuah anekdot dalam hal ini. Dahulu kala, hidup seorang bernama Juha. Ia datang ke suatu perkampungan dan membohongi penduduk setempat dengan mengatakan bahwa di kampung A sedang dibagikan makanan secara gratis. Akibatnya, seluruh penduduk tadi berbondong-bondong meninggalkannya menuju kampung yang ia sebutkan. Melihat kenyataan demikan, dia pun akhirnya beranggapan bahwa apa yang ia katakan ada kemungkinan benarnya. Lalu, ia pun berangkat menuju ke kampung tersebut.

Anekdot tersebut terlihat pas untuk menggambarkan kaum sophis. Mereka menyebarluaskan paham “tidak ada kebenaran absolut yang dapat diyakini oleh manusia” dengan kemampuan retorika mereka. Awalnya, paham ini disebarluarkan untuk sekedar untuk mencari sesuap makanan di pengadilan dan untuk kepentingan politik. Namun akhirnya, ketika masyarakat awam meyakininya, mereka pun ikut meyakininya.

Kita dapat mengajukan kritik terhadap pendapat mereka dari sudut pandang lainnya yang lebih logis. Setiap manusia selalu merasakan adanya kebutuhan terhadap suatu objek (misalnya, kebutuhan terhadap makanan) di dalam kehidupannya sehari-hari. Dari situlah ia merasa dirinya ada dan objeknya itu pun ada. Manusia dapat saja mengatakan bahwa dirinya mengingkari keberadaan realitas secara mutlak, tetapi itu semua hanya sebatas verbal (kata-kata), bukan satu keyakinan yang ada pada lubuk hati ataupun akal budinya. Hal ini disebabkan segala macam bentuk pengingkaran terhadap realitas secara mutlak adalah keyakinan pada keberadaan realitas itu sendiri. Paling sedikit, ia telah menyadari bahwa dirinya yang telah mengingkari realitas. Artinya, tanpa disadarinya, dia telah meyakini adanya dua hal. Pertama, dirinya sendiri. Kedua, realitas yang akan ia ingkari (walaupun realitas itu dalam bentuk sebuah gambaran yang ada di akal budi).

Statement kaum sophis juga bisa kita kritik dengan cara mengajukan pertanyaan "Apakah statemen itu absolut atau tidak?" Terlihat di sini, ada kontradiktif yang terjadi. Jika jawabannya tidak, berarti masih dimungkinkan bagi manusia untuk mendapatkan pengetahuan yang absolut. Jika jawabannya ya, paling tidak mereka telah meyakini satu hal yang absolut yaitu statement tersebut. Hal ini tentu bertentangan dengan statement mereka sendiri karena dengan demikian telah terealisasi satu pengetahuan yang “absolut” dan “benar” menurut mereka.

  1. Oleh karenanya, terlebih dahulu kita harus mempercayai ataupun mengimani adanya realitas sehingga kajian dari pembahasan ini lebih terarah. Semakin kita berbicara tentang realitas semakin kuat pula keimanan kita terhadapnya. Ini semua dikarenakan keberadaan realitas adalah hal yang sangat apriori. Para filosof Islam, seperti AllamahThabathabai, Molla Hadi Sabzawari, dan Molla Shadro dalam karya-karya mereka selalu memulai kajian dengan pembahasan tentang adanya realitas (wujud / being) sebelum membahas yang lainnya. Hal ini disebabkan penerimaan terhadap realitas adalah kunci dan modal bagi bahasan yang lainnya.


Pada makalah kami ini, bahasan tidak dimulai dengan kajian tentang realitas (wujud) dengan anggapan bahwa kita bukanlah kaum sophis. Oleh karena itu, kita langsung masuk pada permasalahan epistemologi yang merupakan satu bagian dari realita tersebut.

Pandangan Filosof Muslim

Sebagai pengantar dari pembahasan ini telah kita singgung bahwa kajian tentang epistemologi dalam Islam tidak tersusun secara rapi, bahkan “berserakan”dalam beberapa kajian filsafat. Oleh karena itu, seyogyanya kita telaah secara sekilas beberapa kajian tersebut agar kita mendapatkan pandangan yang universal terhadap bahasan ini. Beberapa pandangan umum terhadap kajian epistemologi di dalam literatur Islam antara lain sebagai berikut.

  1. Pembahasan Filosofis Berkenaan dengan Kategori

Realitas di alam ini oleh para filosof dibagi-bagi dalam beberapa kategori. Misalnya, manusia dan hewan dikategorikan sebagai makhluk hidup. Makhluk hidup dan makhluk tak hidup dikategorikan sebagai materi. Materi dan non materi dikategorikan sebagai substansi. Substansi inilah yang menempati kategori tertinggi (jins 'aly). Artinya, realitas di alam ini terbagi-bagi menjadi beberapa jins 'aly, antara lain, substansi, kualitas, madah (bahan materi), dan shurah (bentuk)

Dalam makalah ini akan dibahas kategori kaif (kualitas). Kaif ini dibagi menjadi empat bagian: kaif mahsus (kualitas yang dapat diindera), kaif nafsani (kualitas yang ada pada jiwa), kaif khusus yang berhubungan dengan kuantitas dan kaif isti'dadi (kualitas potensial).Untuk kaif nafsani, mereka menyebutkan beberapa contoh antara lain: keinginan, rasa sakit, kehendak, dll. Mereka meletakkan ilmu sebagai bagian dari kaif nafsani. Ilmu yang masuk dalam bagian kaif nafsani tersebut adalah ilmu hushuli. Oleh karena itu, ilmu hushuli adalah sifat (aksidental) bagi jiwa (nafs).

Dalam pembahasan kategori, para filosof melihat dan meninjau ilmu dari kaca mata ontology. Jadi, salah satu dari sisi ilmu adalah sifat ontologisnya. Dari sudut pandang ini, mereka melihat ilmu sebagai salah satu fenomena yang ada dan nyata. Tapi, yang masih sering menjadi bahan pertanyaan adalah hal yang berkaitan dengan hakekat dan esensi ilmu tersebut. Kadang-kadang, seseorang mengetahui sesuatu ada di pikirannya sebagai fenomena yang ada di dalam dirinya. Akan tetapi, belum jelas baginya hakekat dan esensinya. Contohnya, kita telah mengetahui warna merah. Akan tetapi, pertanyaan yang mengarah kepada kita ialah apakah esensi dari warna merah itu?Apakah ia bersifat aksidensial ataukah subtansial? Apakah keberadaannya independen ataukah tidak? Berkaitan dengan pertanyaan yang mengarah pada hakekat dan esensi ilmu tadi, para filosof menjawab bahwa keberadaan ilmu bahwa bagian dari masalah aksidental bukan subtansial. Dengan kata lain, ilmu dikategorikan ke dalam kaif nafsani.

  1. Kesatuan Subjek dan Objek

Masalah kesatuan objek dan subjek pengetahuan adalah salah satu kajian filosofis yang pada awalnya dimunculkan oleh Fakhr Al-Razi. Akan tetapi, kajian ini mengalami perkembangan yang cukup pesat pada zaman Mulla Shadra. Dalam kitab monumentalnya, "Al-Asfar Al-Arba'ah", beliau menjelaskannya secara terperinci masalah-masalah yang berhubungan dengan tingkatan-tingkatan ilmu, pembagian ilmu kepada intuitif knowledge dan empirical, serta pembahasan tentang kesatuan objek dan subjek pengetahuan.

  1. Wujud Dzihni (Wujud yang Ada di Dalam Pikiran)

Masalah wujud dzihni ini menjadi pembeda signifikan antara filosof dengan teolog (mutakallimin). Para teolog mengingkari masalah ini dengan memaparkan pendapat yang bertentangan dengan pendapat para filosof. Mereka memunculkan pandangan “idhafah” ataupun “syabah”. Menurut para filosof, pengingkaran terhadap masalah wujud dzihni ini akan menjadikan manusia sophistik. Yang menghubungkan antara understanding dan external hanyalah esensi. Bila ini diingkari maka tidak akan ada hubungan apapun di antara keduanya. Akibatnya, muncullah sophistika.

  1. Salah satu dari masalah-masalah yang berhubungan dengan masalah understanding dan external adalah tolok ukur benar dan salah. Agar ilmu kita benar harus memiliki tolok ukur yang jelas. Dengannya, kita bisa terlepas dari belenggu sophistika. Dari pembahasan ini, bercabang beberapa pembahasan, yaitu a) makna hakekat (truth), b) definisi kesamaan dengan hakekat --dengan kata lain, teori kesamaan dengan hakekat ( the correspondence theory of truth)-- dan c) pembahasan tentang letak tolok ukur tersebut; apakah hanya sekedar permainan bahasa, permainan akal budi manusia ataukah memang benar-benar ada. Pembahasan ini dikenal dengan pembahasan state of affairs (nafs al-amr).

Masalah ke-4 ini sangat penting bagi kita sebagai orang yang beragama.Kita dituntut mencari kebenaran agama kita. Untuk itu, kita harus mempertanyakan di mana tolok ukur kebenaran agama, sebatas manakah asas-asas agama mengenai state of affairs, ataukah agama hanyalah buatan manusia yang sama sekali tidak memiliki tolok ukur kebenaran dan hakekat. Sebagai manusia yang berpikir, kita tidak boleh mendiamkan masalah ini berjalan begitu saja tanpa penyelesaian. Kajian terakhir ini disebut dengan epistemologi agama dan di dalamnya juga dibahas tentang dasar-dasar epistemologi agama. Ketika kita dapat membuktikan kebenaran agama maka dari situlah kita dapat membicarakan tentang pluralisme agama: apakah pluralisme agama itu benar ataukah tidak; di manakah letak benar dan salahnya pluralisme agama; sebatas manakah pluralisme agama menyentuh state of affairs atau sama sekali tidak memiliki hubungan dengannya; dan selanjutnya.

  1. Setelah kita selesai melakukan kritik terhadap sophistika dan telah kita buktikan kesalahan paham ini, kita akan memasuki permasalahan baru, yaitu batasan kemampuan akal budi manusia. Kita berpijak pada satu dasar yang pasti bahwa, di dalam diri manusia ada kecondongan dan keinginan rasa tahu terhadap sesuatu. Tetapi, apakah ia mampu untuk mengetahui segala macam yang ia inginkan ataukah tidak. Dari sinilah muncul beragam pandangan mengenai hal tersebut. Dengan kata lain, apakah manusia memiliki kemampuan untuk mengetahui apa saja yang ia inginkan ataukah tidak. Sebagian dari para filosof berpendapat bahwa kemampuan manusia hanya terbatas pada hal-hal material yang dapat ia indra dan bahasan metafisik keluar dari kemampuannya. Kaum gnostic berpendapat bahwa di alam ini ada hakekat yang akal budi manusia tidak akan sampai padanya. Para filosof muslim meyakini bahwa akal budi manusia mampu mengetahui hal-hal fisik ataupun metafisik, akan tetapi ketika berhadapan dengan masalah zat Tuhan mereka berhenti dan diam.

Dari beberapa pendapat yang ada di atas, ada pesan yang tersirat, yaitu bahwa ilmu manusia terbatas. “Satu dasar” tersebut adalah pijakan kita untuk memasuki ke dalam pembahasan-pembahsan selanjutnya. Dan jika kita ingin mengaji dan menggali dasar tersebut, kita akan berhenti pada satu permasalahan baru yaitu intuitiv knowledge (ilmu hudhuri). Oleh karena itu, penolakan terhadap realita seperti yang dilakukan sophistika sama sekali tidak benar dan keluar dari batas-batas akal karena pijakan kita adalah hal-hal yang kita rasakan di dalam diri kita.


Logic in Islamic philosophy


Logic in Islamic philosophy

Islamic logic was inspired primarily by Aristotle's logical corpus, the Organon (which according to a late Greek taxonomy also included the Rhetoric and Poetics). Islamic authors were also familiar with some elements in Stoic logic and linguistic theory, and their logical sources included not only Aristotle's own works but also the works of the late Greek Aristotelian commentators, the Isagogof Porphyry and the logical writings of Galen. However, most of the logical work of the Islamic philosophers remained squarely within the tradition of Aristotelian logic, and most of their writings in this area were in the form of commentaries on Aristotle.

For the Islamic philosophers, logic included not only the study of formal patterns of inference and their validity but also elements of the philosophy of language and even of epistemology and metaphysics. Because of territorial disputes with the Arabic grammarians, Islamic philosophers were very interested in working out the relationship between logic and language, and they devoted much discussion to the question of the subject matter and aims of logic in relation to reasoning and speech. In the area of formal logical analysis, they elaborated upon the theory of terms, propositions and syllogisms as formulated in Aristotle's Categories, De interpretatione and Prior Analytics. In the spirit of Aristotle, they considered the syllogism to be the form to which all rational argumentation could be reduced, and they regarded syllogistic theory as the focal point of logic. Even poetics was considered as a syllogistic art in some fashion by most of the major Islamic Aristotelians.

Since logic was viewed as an organon or instrument by which to acquire knowledge, logic in the Islamic world also incorporated a general theory of argumentation focused upon epistemological aims. This element of Islamic logic centred upon the theory of demonstration found in Aristotle's Posterior Analytics, since demonstration was considered the ultimate goal sought by logic. Other elements of the theory of argumentation, such as dialectics and rhetoric, were viewed as secondary to demonstration, since it was held that these argument forms produced cognitive states inferior in certitude and stability to demonstration. The philosopher's aim was ultimately to demonstrate necessary and certain truth; the use of dialectical and rhetorical arguments was accounted for as preparatory to demonstration, as defensive of its conclusions, or as aimed at communicating its results to a broader audience.

  1. The subject matter and aims of logic

  2. Logic, language and grammar

  3. Conceptualization and assent

  4. Predicables, categories and propositions

  5. Theory of argumentation

1. The subject matter and aims of logic

As was their custom in discussing all the branches of philosophy, the Islamic philosophers devoted considerable attention to identifying the subject matter studied by logic and the aims at which logical studies are directed. Al-Farabi, whose logical and linguistic writings comprise the majority of his philosophical output, epitomizes the approach to logic that is characteristic of Islamic Aristotelianism. In his Ihsa' al-'ulum (Enumeration of the Sciences), he defines logic as an instrumental, rule-based science aimed at directing the intellect towards the truth and safeguarding it from error in its acts of reasoning. He defends the need for such a science of reasoning on the grounds that it is possible for the mind to err in at least some of its acts, for example, in those in which the intelligibles sought are not innate, but are rather attained discursively and empirically 'through reflection and contemplation'. Al-Farabi compares logic to tools such as rulers and compasses, which are used to ensure exactness when we measure physical objects subject to the errors of sensation. Like these tools, logical measures can be employed by their users to verify both their own acts of reasoning and the arguments of others. Indeed, logic is especially useful and important to guide the intellect when it is faced with the need to adjudicate between opposed and conflicting opinions and authorities.

Al-Farabi's view of logic as a rule-based science which governs the mind's operations over intelligibles is repeated in many of his introductory logical works, and it formed the foundation for Ibn Sina's later refinements (see Ibn Sina). In the opening chapters of his al-Madkhal (Introduction), the first logical book of his encyclopaedic work al-Shifa' (Healing), Ibn Sina describes the purpose of logic as one of enabling the intellect to acquire 'knowledge of the unknown from the known'. Like al-Farabi, he defends the need for logic by arguing that the innate capacities of reasoning are insufficient to ensure the attainment of this purpose, and thus they require the aid of an art. While there may be some cases in which innate intelligence is sufficient to ensure the attainment of true knowledge, such cases are haphazard at best; he compares them to someone who manages to hit a target on occasion without being a true marksman. The most important and influential innovation that Ibn Sina introduces into the characterization of logic is his identification of its subject matter as 'second intentions' or 'secondary concepts', in contrast to 'first intentions'. This distinction is closely linked in Ibn Sina's philosophy to his important metaphysical claim that essence or quiddity can be distinguished from existence, and that existence in turn can be considered in either of its two modes: existence in concrete, singular things in the external world; or conceptual existence in one of the soul's sensible or intellectual faculties (see Existence).

In al-Madkhal, Ibn Sina argues that logic differs from the other sciences because it considers not conceptual existence as such (this would be psychology), but rather the accidents or properties that belong to any quiddity by virtue of its being conceptualized by the mind. These properties, according to Ibn Sina, include such things as essential and accidental predication, being a subject or being a predicate, and being a premise or a syllogism (see Logical form §1). It is these properties that allow the mind to connect concepts together in order to acquire knowledge of the unknown; they provide the foundation for the rules of reasoning and inference that logic studies. They are moreover formal properties in the sense that, as properties belonging to all concepts in virtue of their mental mode of existence, they are entirely independent of the content of the thought itself; they are indifferent to the intrinsic natures of the quiddities which they serve to link together.

In the Ilahiyyat (Metaphysics) of al-Shifa', Ibn Sina introduces the terminology of first and second 'intentions' or concepts in order to express the relation between the concepts of these quiddities themselves - which are studied in the theoretical sciences - and the concepts of the states and accidents of their mental existence which logic studies: 'As you know, the subject matter of logical science is second, intelligible intentions (al-ma'ani al-ma'qula al-thaniyya) which are dependent upon the primary intelligible intentions with respect to some property by which they lead from the known to the unknown' (Ilahiyyat Book 1, ch. 2, in Anawati and Zayed 1960: 10-11). For example, the second intentions of 'being a subject' and 'being a predicate' are studied in logic independently of whatever first intentions function as the subject and predicate terms in a given proposition, for example, 'human being' and 'rational animal' in the proposition 'a human being is a rational animal'. The logical second intentions depend upon the first intentions because the first intentions are the conceptual building blocks of the new knowledge which second intentions link together: but logic studies the second intentions in abstraction from whatever particular first intentions the logical relations depend upon in any given case.

2. Logic, language and grammar

The attention that Ibn Sina and al-Farabi devote to the proper characterization of the subject matter of logic stems in part from a concern to distinguish logic from grammar. In the ancient and medieval traditions, the study of logic was closely tied to the philosophical consideration of language (see Language, medieval theories of; Logic, ancient; Logic, medieval), and for this reason many Arabic grammarians - whose linguistic theories were developed to a high degree of complexity and sophistication - were contemptuous of the philosophers for importing Greek logic, which they saw as a foreign linguistic tradition, into the Arabic milieu. This attitude toward Greek logic is epitomized in a famous debate reported to have taken place in Baghdad in 932 between the grammarian Abu Sa'id al-Sirafi and Abu Bishr Matta, a Syriac Christian who translated some of Aristotle's works into Arabic and is purported to have been one of al-Farabi's teachers. The extant account of the debate is heavily biased towards al-Sirafi, who attacks logical formalism and denies the ability of logic to act as a measure of reasoning over and above the innate capacities of the intellect itself. His principal claims are that philosophical logic is nothing but Greek grammar warmed over, that it is inextricably tied to the idiom of the Greek language and that it has nothing to offer speakers of another language such as Arabic.

It is against the background of such attacks that the discussions of the relations between logic, language and grammar by al-Farabi, Ibn Sina and al-Farabi's pupil Yahya ibn 'Adi (also a Syriac Christian and translator), are to be understood. Al-Farabi and Yahya both present essentially the same perspective on the relations between logic and language, a moderate perspective which Ibn Sina later rejects. In the Ihsa' al-'ulum, al-Farabi argues that logic and grammar both have some legitimate interest in language, but whereas grammatical rules primarily govern the use of language, logical rules primarily govern the use of intelligibles:

And this art [of logic] is analogous to the art of grammar, in that the relation of the art of logic to the intellect and the intelligibles is like the relation of the art of grammar to language and expressions. That is, to every rule for expressions which the science of grammar provides us, there is a corresponding [rule] for intelligibles which the science of logic provides us.

(Ihsa' al-'ulum, in Amin 1968: 68)

More precisely, al-Farabi explains that although grammar and logic share a mutual concern with expressions, grammar provides rules that govern the correct use of expressions in a given language, but logic provides rules that govern the use of any language whatsoever in so far as it signifies intelligibles. Thus, logic will have some of the characteristics of a universal grammar, attending to the common features of all languages that reflect their underlying intelligible content. Some linguistic features will be studied in both logic and grammar, but logic will study them as they are common, and grammar in so far as they are idiomatic. On the basis of this comparison with grammar, then, al-Farabi is able to complete his characterization of the subject matter of logic as follows: 'The subject-matters of logic are the things for which [logic] provides the rules, namely, intelligibles in so far as they are signified by expressions, and expressions in so far as they signify intelligibles' (Ihsa' al-'ulum, in Amin 1968: 74).

Like al-Farabi, Yahya ibn 'Adi, in a treatise entitled Maqala fi tabyin al-fasl bayna sina'atay al-mantiq al-falsafi wa-al-nahw al-'arab (On the Difference Between Philosophical Logic and Arabic Grammar), makes his case for the independence of logic from grammar based upon the differences between the grammar of a particular nation and the universal science of logic. He argues that the subject matter of grammar is mere expressions (al-alfaz), which it studies from the limited perspective of their correct articulation and vocalization according to Arabic conventions. The grammarian is especially concerned with language as an oral phenomenon; the logician alone is properly concerned with 'expressions in so far as they signify meanings' (al-alfaz al-dalla 'ala al-ma'ani) (Maqala fi tabyin, in Endress 1978: 188). To support this claim, Yahya points out that changing grammatical inflections do not affect the basic signification of a word: if in one sentence a word occurs in the nominative case, with the appropriate vocalization, its signification remains unchanged when it is used in another sentence in the accusative case and with a different vocal ending.

In Ibn Sina's view, however, such accounts of the logician's interest in language and its differences from that of the grammarian did not go far enough. In keeping with his own understanding of logic as the science which studies second intentions, Ibn Sina criticized such earlier attempts to introduce linguistic concerns into the subject matter of logic. In al-Madkhal, Ibn Sina labels as 'stupid' those who say that 'the subject matter of logic is speculation concerning expressions in so far as they signify meanings (ma'ani)'. However, Ibn Sina does not deny that the logician is sometimes or even often required to consider linguistic matters; his objection is to the inclusion of language as an essential constituent of the subject matter of logic. The logician is only incidentally concerned with language because of the constraints of human thought and the practical exigencies of learning and communication. Ibn Sina goes so far as to claim that, 'if logic could be learned through pure thought so that meanings alone could be attended to in it, then it would dispense entirely with expressions'; but since this is not in fact possible, 'the art of logic is compelled to have some of its parts come to consider the states of expressions' (al-Madhkal, in Anawati et al. 1952: 22-3). For Ibn Sina, then, logic is a purely rational art whose purpose is entirely captured by its goal of leading the mind from the known to the unknown; only accidentally and secondarily can it be considered a linguistic art.

3. Conceptualization and assent

While the close links between logic and linguistic studies emerge in the Islamic philosophers' consideration of the subject matter of logic, the links between logic and epistemology come to the fore in the consideration of the divisions within logic and the order of the books within Aristotle's Organon. All the principal Islamic Aristotelians organize their understanding of the divisions of logic around the epistemological couplet of tasawwur (conceptualization), and tasdiq (assent), which constitute for them the two states of knowledge that logic aims to produce in the intellect.

Conceptualization is the act of the mind by which it grasps singular (though not necessarily simple) essences or quiddities, such as the concept of 'human being'. Assent, by contrast, is the act of the intellect whereby it makes a determinate judgment to which a truth-value can be assigned; in fact, conceptualization is defined in Islamic philosophy principally by contrast with assent. Thus, any act of knowledge that does not entail the assignment of a truth-value to the proposition that corresponds to it will be an act of conceptualization alone, not assent. More specifically, the Islamic philosophers link assent to the affirmation or denial of the existence of the thing conceived, or to the judgment that it exists in a certain state, with certain properties. Thus, assent presupposes some prior act of conceptualization, although conceptualization does not presuppose assent.

One of the purposes of including a consideration of the tasawwur-tasdiq dichotomy in introductory discussions of the purpose of logic is to provide an epistemological foundation for the two focal points of Aristotelian logic, the definition and the syllogism (see Logical form §1). The purpose of the definition is identified as the production of an act of conceptualization, and the purpose of the syllogism is identified as causing assent to the truth of a proposition. However, since the definition and the syllogism are both considered in the Prior and Posterior Analytics and the works that come after them in the Organon, the study of the ways of producing conceptualization and assent presupposes as its foundation the study of single terms and propositions in the Categories and De interpretatione.

4. Predicables, categories and propositions

In keeping with the ancient Greek tradition, the Islamic philosophers considered the books of the Organon to be an ordered series which begins with the study of the signification of simple terms in the Categories and then proceeds to the study of propositions in the De interpretatione. In addition to these two Aristotelian texts, a work of the Neoplatonist Porphyry, known as the Isagog(Introduction), was appended to the beginning of this series as an introduction to the study of the Categories (see Aristotle §7). It was concerned with the five predicables: genus, species, difference, property and accident. While all of the Islamic Aristotelians wrote commentaries on the Isagog and utilized its grouping of the predicables, not all were convinced of its utility as an introduction to Aristotle. Ibn Rushd openly expresses such doubts in the introduction to his Talkhis kitab al-maqulat (Middle Commentary on the Categories), where he indicates that his original intention was to omit the Isagog entirely from his series of middle commentaries on the Organon. At the end of his work on the Isagog itself, he explains bluntly that he does not believe that Porphyry's text is a helpful introduction to the study of logic and questions whether it is really a logical text at all. His sole reason for completing the commentary, he tells us, was to comply with a request made by his friends.

The logical character of the Categories presented a related problem for other Islamic philosophers. In the introduction to his Sharh al-'ibarah (Great Commentary on the De interpretatione), al-Farabi rehearses some of the controversies inherited from the Greek tradition over the relations between the Categories and the De interpretatione. As al-Farabi points out, the De interpretatione can be understood quite well without a prior knowledge of the Categories, and the former work makes no explicit references to the latter. Moreover, the De interpretatione is principally concerned with the formal relations amongst propositions, such as contradiction and contrariety, whereas the Categories is concerned with the signification or meaning of terms as such. Furthermore, in its opening chapters, the De interpretatione considers in formal terms the simple parts of which propositions are composed, that is, the noun and the verb. Despite these concerns, however, al-Farabi opts for the traditional ordering of these books on the grounds that the Categories is relevant to the whole of logic, since it studies 'the simplest of the subject matters in which logic actualizes itself'. In his Falsafa Aristutalis (Philosophy of Aristotle), al-Farabi opts for a similar solution to the logical status of the Categories, explaining that it comprises an investigation and classification of 'the instances of being from which the first premises are compounded', which are 'the primary significations of the expressions generally accepted by all' (Falsafa Aristutalis, in Mahdi 1969: 82-3).

Al-Farabi's misgivings in both of these texts stem from the largely ontological focus of the Aristotelian Categories, which calls into question its placement within the Organon. This concern was echoed later by Ibn Sina, who points out that many of the discussions in the Categories would be better placed in metaphysics or psychology, since they pertain to the study of expressions as directly signifying external or mental beings, in other words, to first rather than to second intentions. But since the Categories is useful in instructing us how to formulate definitions - which is one of the principal goals of logic - its placement in the Organon can be justified on practical grounds.

Islamic philosophers viewed De interpretatione as a study of the composition and truth-values of categorical propositions. Thus al-Farabi, in his great commentary on this text, explains that the term 'interpretation' used in the title of the work means 'complete statement' (al-qawl al-tamm). A complete statement, according to al-Farabi, must be one which causes a complete understanding in the mind; in other words, one in which assent occurs along with conceptualization. This is achieved principally by a simple, predicative, categorical statement (al-qawl al-jazim al-hamli al-basit) which affirms or denies a predicate of its subject.

5. Theory of argumentation

For the entire Islamic tradition, the crowning glory of Aristotelian logic is the syllogistic theory outlined in the Prior and Posterior Analytics, especially the latter. The purpose of logic is to provide the means whereby knowledge is to be acquired, and the most valuable type of knowledge is that which is certain and necessary, that is, knowledge gained according to the paradigm of demonstrative science laid out in the Posterior Analytics. This part of logic, in the words of al-Farabi's Ihsa' al-'ulum, is 'the strongest and pre-eminent in dignity and authority. Logic seeks its primary aim in this part alone, and the rest of its parts are only for its sake' (Ihsa' al-'ulum, in Amin 1968: 89). Even the formal study of the syllogism itself is primarily undertaken for the sake of its employment in demonstrations.

In their formal syllogistic theory, the Islamic Aristotelians mainly follow Aristotle's Prior Analytics. While they are aware of the fourth figure traditionally ascribed to Galen, the tendency is to dismiss this figure as superfluous and intuitively implausible, as Ibn Sina does in the seventh method of his al-Isharat wa-'l-tanbihat (Remarks and Admonitions); or to ignore it entirely, as al-Farabi does in his Kitab al-qiyas (Book on the Syllogism). Similarly, the Arabic philosophers knew of the alternative propositional logic of the Stoics and incorporated elements of it in their discussions of conditional or hypothetical (shartiyyah) syllogisms (see Logic, ancient). However, they did not accept the Stoic inference schemata, nor did they treat conditional connectives as truth-functional, since they did not consider the parts of conditional statements to be complete propositions in their own right. Moreover, for the Islamic logicians 'conditional' was a generic term which included both 'conjunctive' (al-muttasilat) conditionals (of the form, 'if... then') and 'disjunctive' (al-munfasilat) conditionals (of the form, 'either... or'). Conditional syllogisms of both sorts were viewed as relying upon a process of 'reiteration' or 'repetition' (istithna'), a term which referred to the repetition of the antecedent or the consequent, or one of the two disjuncts, in so far as it formed the second premise of a syllogism. Thus in the conjunctive conditional syllogism, 'If it is daytime, then it is light; but it is daytime, therefore it is light', 'it is daytime' would be labelled the mustathna' or reiterated premise, since it is by its restatement that the syllogism reaches its conclusion.

When we turn to the specific application of syllogistic theory to particular types of argumentation, the epistemological concerns of Islamic logic surface once more. In particular, the Islamic philosophers explained the primacy of demonstration, and the ancillary role of dialectical, rhetorical, poetic and sophistical syllogisms, by reference to the epistemic status of the premises used in each type of syllogism, and the type of assent they could produce to the conclusion of the syllogisms in which they were employed. The classification of syllogisms and their premises according to the nature of their assent is found in the logical writings of all the major Islamic philosophers, but the most complete and systematic classification of premises occurs in three of Ibn Sina's works, al-Burhan (Demonstration), in al-Shifa', al-Najah (Deliverance) and al-Isharat wa-'l-tanbihat (Remarks and Admonitions). Although these three accounts differ somewhat in the number and variety of the premises listed in each, generally they present a single and consistent theory. Demonstrative syllogisms are composed of premises which necessitate assent and include self-evident first principles as well as sensible, empirically evident propositions. Dialectical syllogisms are based upon generally accepted beliefs (al-mashhurat), which are equivalent to the endoxa of Aristotle's Topics; on premises granted for the purposes of dialectical debate; and in general, on all premises assented to because they are universally accepted by all people, or by people deemed authoritative. Rhetorical syllogisms are similar to dialectical ones, except that they are accepted unreflectively and on the basis of a more limited authority, relative, for example, to a particular group or sect; as such, they are only supposed or presumed to be 'generally-accepted beliefs'. Sophistical premises are those accepted because of some misleading resemblance to another type of premise, and poetic premises are those that produce a motion in the faculty of imagination (al-takhyil), not an act of intellectual assent.

The inclusion of rhetorical and poetical syllogisms in this enumeration reflects a common assumption among Islamic philosophers that Aristotle's Rhetoric and Poetics are parts of his logical Organon. This assumption was inherited by the Islamic tradition from the Greek commentators, and it was used by them in part to account for the differences between philosophical and popular modes of discourse and argumentation, particularly in the context of discussions of the relations between philosophy and religion. The Islamic philosophers held that whereas philosophers rely principally upon demonstrative and dialectical syllogisms, religious leaders and theologians generally use rhetorical and poetical syllogisms to persuade the general populace. Religion is thus viewed as an image or reflection of philosophical, demonstrative truth propounded in language and argument-forms that can be easily understood by the mass of humanity.

The place of dialectic within the theory of argumentation is perhaps the most ambivalent in Islamic logic. While dialectic is seen as inferior to demonstration, its importance for philosophy is none the less recognized. A good example of this is found in al-Farabi's enumeration in his Kitab al-jadal (Book on Dialectic) of the ways in which dialectic serves philosophers. According to al-Farabi, dialectic hones argumentative skills, introduces the principles of the special demonstrative sciences, alerts the mind to the self-evident principles of demonstration, helps to develop communicative skills and provides the means for refuting sophistry. Of these five uses, only the fourth is external to the proper aims of philosophy and closer to the tasks usually reserved to theology and religion. The other four pertain to the learning or acquisition of truly philosophical skills, even if they lie outside the strictly demonstrative aims that are the ultimate end of philosophy.

In the case of the theory of demonstration itself, Islamic logicians organized their commentaries on the Posterior Analytics around the definition and the demonstrative syllogism as the means by which both conceptualization and assent are most perfectly attained. Al-Farabi's Kitab al-burhan (Book on Demonstration) offers an excellent summary of the standard approach taken by Islamic philosophers to theory of demonstration and its epistemological aims. Just as he identified the categorical statement as the embodiment of perfect assent on the propositional level, here al-Farabi identifies demonstrative certitude as complete or perfect assent on the level of syllogistic inference. Moreover, certitude is defined by al-Farabi in terms of what we would now label 'second-order' knowledge:

Certitude is for us to believe, concerning the truth to which we have assented, that it is not possible at all for what we believe about this matter to be different from what we believe it to be; and in addition to this for us to believe, concerning our belief, that another belief is not possible - in the sense that whenever some belief about the first belief is formed, it is impossible for it to be otherwise, and so on ad infinitum.

(Kitab al-burhan, in al-'Ajam and Fakhry 1986-7, 4: 20)

Certitude requires not just knowledge of a conclusion, p, but knowing that we know p. This sort of certitude al-Farabi calls 'necessary certitude'. However, he also allows for non-necessary certitude, which holds 'only at a particular time', and thus can be applied to propositions about merely contingent beings: 'Necessary certitude and necessary existence are convertible in entailment, for what is verified as necessarily certain is necessarily existent' (Kitab al-burhan, in al-'Ajam and Fakhry 1986-7, 4: 22). While al-Farabi recognizes both of these varieties of certitude to be forms of perfect assent, in his view necessary certitude alone fulfils the strict conditions of Aristotelian demonstration, since it alone will pertain to objects which cannot be other than they are.

Al-Farabi's remarks on the utility of dialectic, combined with his extension of the notion of perfect assent beyond the confines of strict and necessary demonstration, illustrate the overall breadth of the Islamic philosophers' theories of argumentation. Despite their professions of the primacy of the demonstrative paradigm within philosophy, the Islamic Aristotelians recognized a broad range of legitimate and useful argument forms and acknowledged their importance as philosophical tools leading to knowledge of the unknown.

See also: Aristotelianism in Islamic philosophy; Aristotle; al-Farabi; Ibn Sina; Logical form; Logic, ancient; Logic, medieval; Logic, philosophy of; Meaning in Islamic philosophy; Syntax

DEBORAH L. BLACK
Copyright © 1998, Routledge.

References and further reading

Abed, S.B. (1991) Aristotelian Logic and the Arabic Language in Al-Farabi, Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. (An excellent consideration of the central issues in al-Farabi's linguistic philosophy.)

Black, D.L. (1990) Logic and Aristotle's 'Rhetoric' and 'Poetics' in Medieval Arabic
Philosophy, Leiden: Brill. (Discusses the interpretation of these Aristotelian texts as works of logic.)

* al-Farabi (c.870-950) Ihsa' al-'ulum (Enumeration of the Sciences), ed. U. Amin, Cairo: Librairie Anglo-Égyptienne, 3rd edn, 1968. (Al-Farabi's major work, in which he investigates in detail different forms of knowledge.)

* al-Farabi (c.870-950) Kitab al-burhan (Book on Demonstration), in R. al-'Ajam and M. Fakhry (eds) al-Mantiq 'inda al-Farabi, Beirut: Dar el-Mashreq, 1986-7, 4 vols. ( Al-Mantiq is a collection of al-Farabi's writings on logic.)

* al-Farabi (c.870-950) Falsafah Aristutalis (
Philosophy of Aristotle), trans. M. Mahdi in Alfarabi's Philosophy of Plato and Aristotle, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1969. (The Falsafah Aristutalis contains al-Farabi's account of the Organon.)

* al-Farabi (c.870-950) Sharh al-'ibarah (Great Commentary on De interpretatione), trans. F.W. Zimmerman, Al-Farabi's Commentary and Short Treatise on Aristotle's 'De Interpretatione', Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981. (Very learned introduction which sets al-Farabi's text against the background of the Greek and Arabic traditions in logic.)

al-Farabi (c.870-950) Commentary on the Isagog, ed. and trans. D.M. Dunlop, 'Al-Farabi's Eisagoge',
Islamic Quarterly 3, 1956: 117-38. (Excellent translation of this crucial logical text, given the significance of the Isagog for this period of logic.)

al-Farabi (c.870-950) Risalah on Logic, ed. and trans. D.M. Dunlop, 'Al-Farabi's Introductory Risalah on Logic',
Islamic Quarterly 3, 1957: 224-35. (A brief but influential summary of his views on logic.)

al-Farabi (c.870-950) Introductory Sections on Logic, ed. and trans. D.M. Dunlop, 'Al-Farabi's Introductory Sections on Logic',
Islamic Quarterly 2, 1955: 264-82. (Another translation of a section on logic, designed by al-Farabi as a propadeutic to the study of philosophy itself.)

al-Farabi (c.870-950) Paraphrase on the Categories, ed. and trans. D.M. Dunlop, 'Al-Farabi's Paraphrase of the Categories of Aristotle',
Islamic Quarterly 4, 1958-9: 168-97; 5, 1958-9: 21-54. (A short summary of what al-Farabi took the main points of the Categories to be.)

al-Farabi (c.870-950) Commentary on the Prior Analytics, trans. N. Rescher, Al-Farabi's Short Commentary on Aristotle's 'Prior Analytics', Pittsburgh, PA: Pittsburgh University Press, 1963. (Another of al-Farabi's Aristotelian commentaries.)

Galston, M. (1981) 'Al-Farabi on Aristotle's Theory of Demonstration', in P. Morewedge (ed.)
Islamic Philosophy and Mysticism, Delmar, NY: Caravan Books, 23-34. (Clear account of how al-Farabi developed Aristotle's notion of demonstrative reasoning, the best form of argumentation.)

Gyekye, D. (1971) 'The Terms Prima intentio and Secunda intentio in Arabic Logic', Speculum 46: 32-48. (Explanation of two key logical terms, linking them to their Greek and Latin equivalents and explaining how they are used in al-Farabi's logic.)

* Ibn 'Adi, Yahya (893-974) Maqalah fi tabyin al-fasl bayna sina'atay al-mantiq al-falsafi wa-al-nahw al-'arab (Treatise on the Difference between the Arts of Philosophical Logic and of Arabic Grammar), ed. G. Endress,
Journal of the History of Arabic Science 2, 1978: 192-81. (Influential work from the early years when the divisions between logic and language were still highly controversial.)

Ibn Rushd (c.1170) Short Commentaries on Aristotle, ed. and trans. C.E. Butterworth, Averroes' Three Short Commentaries on Aristotle's 'Topics', 'Rhetoric', and 'Poetics', Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1977. (Ibn Rushd's short commentaries on areas of thought which he thought were less strongly logical than demonstrative and dialectical reasoning, yet which still embody logical techniques in some form.)

Ibn Rushd (c.1174) Middle Commentary on the Isagog, trans. H.A. Davidson, Averroes' Middle Commentary on Porphyry's 'Isagoge' and on Aristotle's 'Categoriae', Cambridge, MA: Mediaeval Academy of America, 1969. (A middle commentary on a crucial logical text by Porphyry, which was important in linking Ibn Rushd's use of logical language with that of his
Islamic predecessors.)

* Ibn Rushd (c.1174) Middle Commentaries on Categories and De interpretatione, trans. C.E. Butterworth, Averroes' Middle Commentary on Aristotle's 'Categories' and 'De interpretatione', Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1983. (Ibn Rushd's middle commentaries on two Aristotelian texts which are important for what they show of how he developed some of the key terms of his philosophical logic.)

* Ibn Sina (980-1037) al-Isharat wa-'l-tanbihat (Remarks and Admonitions), Part One trans. S.C. Inati, Remarks and Admonitions, Part One: Logic, Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1984. (The logic portion of al-Isharat wa'l-tanbihat.)

* Ibn Sina (c.1014-20) al-Shifa' (Healing), al-Ilahiyyat (Theology), vol. 1 (Books 1-5) ed. G. Anawati and S. Zayed; vol. 2 (Books 6-10) ed. S. Dunya, M.Y. Moussa, and S. Zayed, Cairo: Organisation Générale des Imprimerie Gouvernementales, 1960. (The part of al-Shifa' which deals with theological issues.)

* Ibn Sina (c.1014-20) al-Shifa' (Healing), al-Madkhal (Isagog), ed. G. Anawati, M. El-Khodeiri and F. al-Ahwani, rev. I. Madkour, Cairo: Al-Matba'ah al-Amiriyyah, 1952. (Ibn Sina's account of Porphyry's Isagog, giving him the opportunity to specify the meaning he gives to logical language.)

Inati, S. (1996) 'Logic', in S.H. Nasr and O. Leaman, History of
Islamic Philosophy, London: Routledge, ch. 48, 802-23. (Analysis of the main concepts in Islamic logic, and the role of logic itself in philosophy.)

Lameer, J. (1994) Al-Farabi and Aristotelian Syllogistics: Greek Theory and
Islamic Practice, Leiden: Brill. (A thorough study of al-Farabi's logical writings and their ancient sources.)

Madkour, I. (1969) L'organon d'Aristotle dans le monde arabe (The Organon of Aristotle in the Arab World), 2nd edn, Paris: Vrin. (A useful overview of the logic portions of Ibn Sina's Shifa'.)

Mahdi, M. (1970) 'Language and Logic in Classical Islam', in G.E. von Grunebaum (ed.) Logic in Classical
Islamic Culture, Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz, 51-83. (An account of the debate between al-Sirafi and Abu Bishr Matta.)

Margoliouth, D.S. (1905) 'The Discussion Between Abu Bishr Matta and Abu Sa'id al-Sirafi on the Merits of Logic and Grammar',
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society: 79-129 (A translation of the famous debate; for a fuller account see also Mahdi 1970.)

Marmura, M.E. (1963) Studies in the History of Arabic Logic, Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press. (An uneven collection of studies and translations but with some useful items.)

Marmura, M.E. (1975) 'Ghazali's Attitude to the Secular Sciences and Logic', in G.F. Hourani (ed.) Essays on
Islamic Philosophy, Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.

Rescher, N. (1964) The Development of Arabic Logic, Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press. (Demonstration that in spite of his opposition to
philosophy, al-Ghazali was an enthusiastic supporter of logic. Somewhat dated but still useful.)

Rescher, N. (1980) 'Avicenna on the Division of the Sciences in the Isagoge of his Shifa'',
Journal for the History of Arabic Science 4: 239-50. (Very clear analysis of the text.)

Sabra, A.I. (1980) 'Avicenna on the Subject Matter of Logic',
Journal of Philosophy 77: 757-64. (Excellent analysis of Ibn Sina's approach to logic.)

Wolfson, H.A. (1973) 'The Terms Tasawwur and Tasdiq in Arabic
Philosophy and Their Greek, Latin and Hebrew Equivalents', in I. Twersky and G.H. Williams (eds) Studies in the History and Philosophy of Religion, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, vol. 1, 478-92. (Important analysis of this critical distinction in Islamic logic, with discussions of its origins in wider philosophy.)

Zimmermann, F.W. (1972) 'Some Observations on al-Farabi and the Logical Tradition', in S.M. Stern et al. (eds)
Islamic Philosophy and the Classical Tradition, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 517-46. (Discussion of the role which al-Farabi played in establishing the notion of logic as a separate theoretical inquiry.)